"A Just But Worrisome War," [3.13.03, A13].
"...The White House dismisses most critics, or skeptics, as naive multilateralists, petty partisans or French-loving lefties. That doesn't account for Gen. Anthony Zinny, a retired four-star Marine general, former Middle East envoy for this administration, ex-commander-in-chief for the U.S. Central Command, decorated Vietnam veteran, director of the relief effort in Somalia and in Iraq."

"In a war, Gen. Zinni doesn't believe the initial fighting will be that difficult, but wonders why this is a top priority: 'Iraq is not an imminent threat,' he declares in an interview this week. It's critical, he believes, to have many allies in any rebuilding effort, which would be tremendously facilitated by United Nations support. 'If we need to wait a few months while ratcheting up the pressure on Saddam -- take away the whole air space from him...then we ought to wait.' Gen. Zinni stresses sharing burdens after Saddam because he fears here may be many: 'We are going into this black hole...a minefield. We don't know what the Kurds and Shia are going to do. Will they accept Sunni police and governance? What will be the reaction of the Arab streets?'"

"It's 'ridiculous' he says to put an American general in charge of reconstruction: 'There ought to be an international committee, civilian, military, law enforcement....to saddle the military with this alone is a mistake.' Unlike some others, he is resigned to the nation-building role the armed services inevitably will play -- there's no one else to do it. But he worries that not nearly enough planning has gone into coordinating with civilian government agencies and NGOs."

"He also worries about the scope of a new and massive mission: 'This will be a real strain for the American military.' When the euphoria of a military victory subsides, a tired and overextended military may face real problems. Further, for all the praise of soldiers and veterans, Gen. Zinni notes, the administration opposes giving disabled veterans benefits separate from their regular pensions. That's too expensive, the budget office claims. That might endanger the divident tax break!"

"Finally, the administration, Republican and Democratic experts alike agree, has not leveled with Americans on the magnitude of a reconstruction effort. Gen. Zinni wonders if we really will be willing to undertake a long, costly and dangerous effort, noting we largely walked away from Afghanistan: 'Karzai is not getting the support he needs.'"

"Rumsfeld Puts New Heat on Blair In Latest Comment Roiling Allies," [3.13.03, A1].
"British Prime Minister Tony Blair struggled to contain a political firestorm set off by U.S. Defense Secretary Rumsfled, deeping the rifts between Washington and its allies and hardening Mr. Rumsfeld's reputation as a diplomatic spoiler. Mr. Rumsfeld's assertion that Britian's participation in any military action against Iraq was 'unclear' aggravated an already open revolt yesterday within Mr. Blair's own party over plans for war. The implication that Britain, the U.S.'s staunchest ally in its war efforts, was neither committed nor necessary to military action gave Mr. Blair's opponents grounds to call for Britain to withdraw from its supporting role, further isolating the U.S."

"While Mr. Rumsfeld later sought to recant his remarks after an urgent phone call from his British counterpart Geoff Hoon, the furor underscored international concerns over how President Bush's chief military advisor represents U.S. policy. In recent months, and again in recent days, Mr. Rumsfeld has driven wedges between the U.S. and many of its longstanding allies in Europe over Iraq and helped stoke worries in Asia over U.S policy towards North Korea. By last month, Mr. Rumsfeld had distressed allies enough that Spanish Prime Minister Joes Maria Aznar told Mr. Bush he should muzzle his defense secretary to avoid complicating efforts to build an international concensus to disarm Iraq."

"My Grandfather Invented Iraq: by Winston S. Churchill," [3.10.03, A18].
"As thunderclouds gather over the Middle East, American and British stand once again shoulder to shoulder preparing to draw a sword in defense of freedom, democracy and human rights. A line has been drawn in the sands of the Arabian desert. By this week, we will have deployed some 200,000 American troops, together with more than 40,000 British, who will shortly be committed to battle."

"Meanwhile, I have a confession to make: It was my grandfather, Winston Churchill, who invented Iraq and laid the foundation for much of the modern Middle East. In 1921, as British colonial secretary, Churchill was responsible for creating Jordan and Iraq and for placing the Hashemite rulers, Abdullah and Feisal, on their respective thrones in Amman and Baghdad. Furthermore, he delineated for the first time the political boundaries of Biblical Palestine."

"This region, in particular, was one of the greatest disappointments of my grandfather's career. After the creation of Iraq, Iran and Palestine, he wanted to create a fourth political entity in the region, Kurdistan. Against his better judgment, he allowed himself to be overruled by the officials of the colonial office, a tragic decision which, to this day, has deprived the Kurds of a nation of their own and caused them to be split up under Iran, Iraq and Turkey, each of which has persecuted them for their aspiration to self-determination..."

"My grandfather's resolve and leadership offer a second parallel to today's situation -- one that confronted the world 55 years ago, when America was on the point of losing her monopoly of the atomic bomb. As leader of the opposition in the British parliament, Churchill was gravely alarmed at the prospect of the Soviet Union acquiring atomic, and eventually nuclear, weapons of its own. He said at the time, 'What will happen when they get the atomic bomb themselves and have accumulated a large store? No one in his senses can believe that we have a limitless period of time before us.'"

"As President Bush and Mr. Blair intend today in the case of Iraq, Winston Churchill in 1948 favored the threat and -- if need be the reality -- of a pre-emptive strike to safeguard the interests of the Free World. Aware of the dangers ahead, Churchill believed that the U.S. -- while it still had a monopoly of atomic power -- should require the Soviet Union to abandon the development of these weapons, if need be by threatening their use. The Truman administration chose not to heed his advice. The result was the Cold War, in the course of which the world -- on more than one occasion -- came perilously close to a nuclear holocaust."

"Wonder Land: U.S. to World: Take This Job and Shove It," [3.7.03, A10].
"We're hearing so much these days about anti-Americanism. Let's start a movement of our own: anti anti-Americanism. An anti anti-American movement would speak out against the current compulsion among intellectuals, here and abroad, to paint the United States as a lonely, lumbering and stupid interloper in the ever-so-complex affairs of a sophisticated world."

"Salman Rushdie in the Guardian newspaper: 'American finds itself facing an ideological enemy that may turn out to be harder to defeat than militant Islam: that is to say, anti-Americanism, which is presently taking the world by storm.'"

"Regis Debray in the New York Times: 'The new world of President Bush, postmodern in its technology, seems premodern in its values. In its principles of action, America is two or three centuries behind 'old Europe.''"

"EU Commissioner for External Relations Chris Patten, in a debate at the Trilateral Commission with Richard Perle of the U.S. 'Should America, as the only superpower, camp on its own strength and sovereignty, setting and imposing the rules but not necessarily bound by them, in pursuit of its own national interest?'"

"Just because George W. Bush is going to stick Saddam Hussein in a hole before one more U.S. citizen dies in a repeat of September 11... every anti-American obsessive in the world feels he has an excuse to start wailing about how America is playing by rules of its own making. Just what is the problem?"

"Saudi Shiites Oppose Change by External Force," [3.4.03, A15].
"In regard to Yaroslov Trofimov's Feb. 3 article "Saudi Shiites See Gains From a U.S. Invasion of Iraq": We participated in the interviews for this article and were quoted in it, and believe that some of the issues mentioned were not completely covered and that our statements were not fully explained. We would like to express our thoughts on some of the issues covered in the article as follows:" [see Analysis of Shiites]

"1. The Saudi Shiites totally oppose the idea of disintegration of their country and think that this issue has been presented by external powers to serve their own purposes. National unity has been and still is one of the most essential demand in the Shiites' minds, and historically no such separation claim is ever recorded in their literature. As a religious minority, we think the Shiite problem should only be solved locally through an open, serious dialogue shared by all parties, including officials and social forces, on the views of a general national reform agenda."

"2. The current U.S. move directed to invade Iraq and change its political regime by force does not receive the support of a majority of the Saudi Shiites. Such an invasion will only serve the U.S. interests in the region and does not consider the potential risks involved on the local and regional levels. We think that any change in the political system of Iraq should be implemented by the will of its people and national participants without any external interference."

Hasan Al-Awami
Mohammed Al-Mahfud
Jafar Al-Shayeb
Mohammed Al-Nemer
Zaki Al-Saleh
Qatif, Saudi Arabia

"Our Way or the Highway," [2.27.03, A13].
"Size of protests -- it's like deciding, 'Well, I'm going to decide policy based upon a focus group.'" --President Bush, when asked last week about millions of anti-war protestors around the world.

"Polls and focus groups are used by every major American politician, none more than George W. Bush. These can be misused in two ways: to substitute for principles and policies or to dismiss as inconvenient."

"George W. Bush understands that domestically; virtually ever pronouncement or messsage is shaped by the White House's extensive public soundings. But the administration is tone deaf when it comes to opinion elsewhere; there seems little desire to understand, or even acknowledge, the growing negative view of America around the world" [see chart]."

"This is an extraordinary turn. On Sept. 11, 2001 America was hit by a horrific terrorist attack, drawing support and empathy from around the globe. We have taken on two junior grade Hitlers, Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein, and less than a year and a half later are losing in the court of world opinion."

"Much of this is directed against war in Iraq, reflecting the administration's failure to cogently offer what is a very compelling case that Saddam has clearly violated the United Nations resolutions and is a danger to the region and to the world. But the anti-American feelings are broader; the caricature is of an out-of-control, haughty country bent on domineering hegemony. The Bush policies reflect more the post Wilsonian arrogance, including the moral piety, than the inclusive sensitivity of post-World War II's Harry Truman and George Marshall."

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